Dave Kopel 柯大為研究論壇 > 武器和希臘人
作者：Dave Kopel 柯大為
柏拉图的最重要的哲学派生是德国的Georg Wilhelm Friedrich Hegel(1770 1883).Hegel提供了法西斯主义的智力基础，把国家看作神圣的，完全服从国家的个体。（Hegel和柏拉图在许多其它事件上有分歧，如理解基础，但他们政治本质上是相同的）
亚里斯多德认为拥有武器就是拥有政治权力：“当大量的公民以共同的利益管理国家，政府被叫成一个普通的名字—宪法. . .在宪法国家，战士有崇高的权力，拥有武器的就是公民。”（书3，第七章）
武器控制导向国家控制是必然的：“那些可以使用或抵抗暴力的人们会情愿被征服是可能的. . .那些持有武器的人总是决定宪法的命运”（书7，第9章节）
有时候，裁军不是直接完成的，而是通过鼓励人民忽略武装训练.“寡头政治欺骗人民的工具. . .有关。 。（4）武器的使用；（5）体育训练. . .关于”（4）武器的拥有，（5）体育训练，他们以同样的精神立法（试图通过参加保持贫困）。因为穷人没有权力拥有武器，但富人会因没有武器而被罚款；同样方式穷人不会因为没有参加训练而被罚，结果不用害怕，他们不参加。但富人很可能被罚因此他们注意参加。”
在Pallene取得战斗的胜利后他夺取了雅典，当他解除人民的武装时他最终建立了他的暴政，可以占领Naxos(一个希腊岛屿)并定Lyadamis为那儿的统治者。他以下列方法实现人民的裁军。他命令全副盔甲的游行队伍在Theseum(一个庙)，并开始向人民做演讲。他说了一小会，人们叫他们听不见，因此他让他们到雅典卫城的门口以至于他的声音可以被听见。然后在他对他们说着长篇大论的时候，那些他指定去收集武器并把它们锁在Theseum的仓库里的人们来了并向他做了一个做完的信号。因此，Pisistratus在说完他所要讲的话时，他告诉人们他们武器的下落，并说他们不需要紧张和害怕，回家做他们自己的事情，他将来会管理国家的一切事务。（亚里斯多德，雅典宪法第15章节，由Sir Frederic G. Kenyon翻译）。
因而第三十决定解除一群人口的武装并摆脱Theramenes;他们做的方式如下。他们介绍两个法律给他们命令其通过的议事会；其中的第一个是给三十绝对的权力处死任一个没有包括在三千名单上的公民，第二个是所有那些帮助破坏Eetioneia堡垒的人，或以任何形式反对过组织以前寡头政治的四百（统治下公元前411年）的权力。Theramenes 两个都做了，据说这些法律通过时，他被排除特权，三十完全有权把他处死。Theramenes就这样被消除了，他们解除了这三千人以外所有人的武装，每一面都 显示出极大的残忍和罪恶。他们还派大使到Lacedaemonian(斯巴达)诽谤Theramenes的品质并寻求帮助；古斯巴达人回应他们的请求就派了Calilibius作为军事官员带着约七百人的军队来了并占领了雅典的卫城（37章）。
自由，1999年8月，1999版權©，David B. Kopel 柯大為
and the Greeks
by David Kopel
The founders didn't conjure up the right to bear arms out of thin air. They learned its value from the founders of Western civilization.
The creators of
The Declaration of Independence was derived from what Thomas Jefferson
called, "the elementary books of public right, as Aristotle, Cicero, Locke,
Aristotle was a student of Plato, and studied at Plato's Academy outside
The Founders of the
Plato's greatest work of political philosophy is The Republic, written in the first part of the fourth century, BCE. In The Republic, Plato explains his theory for why societies always progress from oligarchy (rule by a small group of elite rich) to democracy (rule by the people) to despotism (rule by a single man). At each step, the control of arms is essential.
In an oligarchy, "They next proceed to make a law which fixes a sum of money as the qualification of citizenship; the sum is higher in one place and lower in another, as the oligarchy is more or less exclusive; and they allow no one whose property falls below the amount fixed to have any share in the government. These changes in the constitution they effect by force of arms, if intimidation has not already done their work" (The Republic, Book VIII — "Four Forms of Government," Benjamin Jowett transl.).
Plato points out one of the disadvantages of oligarchy: "Another discreditable feature is, that, for a like reason, they are incapable of carrying on any war. Either they arm the multitude, and then they are more afraid of them than of the enemy; or, if they do not call them out in the hour of battle, they are oligarchs indeed, few to fight as they are few to rule."
Eventually, the oligarchy is supplanted by democracy, "whether the revolution has been effected by arms, or whether fear has caused the opposite party to withdraw." In other words, either armed revolution or the credible threat of armed revolution causes the oligarchy to lose its power. But after a while, the people succumb to demagogy, and a tyrant arises. The tyrant does not begin his worst abuses until after he has disarmed his victims. In The Republic , which is a series of teacher-student dialogues, the teacher explains: "Then the parent (the people) will discover what a monster he has been fostering in his bosom; and, when he wants to drive him out, he will find that he is weak and his son (the tyrant) strong."
Student: "Why, you do not mean to say that the tyrant will use violence? What! Beat his father if he opposes him?" Teacher: "Yes, he will, having first disarmed him."
In Plato's ideal state, the one-man rule of a tyrant is replaced by the
one-man rule of a philosopher-king. The king uses a professional
military/police class — the Guardians — to keep everyone else in line. Like
the people of the former
In Plato's utopia, "no one, man or woman, must ever be left without someone in charge of him; nobody must get into the habit of acting independently in either sham fighting or the real thing, and in peace and war alike we must give our constant attention and obedience to our leader. . ." (Laws).
The country most in harmony with Plato's theory of government is modern
Plato's most important philosophic descendent is the German Georg Wilhelm Friedrich Hegel (1770 1831). Hegel provided the intellectual foundation for fascism, seeing the state as sacred, and the individual as absolutely subservient to the state. (Hegel and Plato differed on many other issues, such as the basis of perception, but their politics were essentially similar.)
Like Plato, Aristotle considered arms a fundamental source of political power, but unlike Plato, Aristotle wanted ordinary people to possess this power. In Aristotle's book Politics, he argues that each citizen should work to earn his own living, should participate in political or legislative affairs, and should bear arms.
Aristotle criticized the theory of another philosopher (Hippodamus), who wanted a strict division of roles between skilled labor, agriculture, and defense: "But the husbandmen have no arms, and the artisans neither arms nor land, and therefore they become all but slaves of the warrior class" (Aristotle, Politics, translated by Benjamin Jowett).
Aristotle considered the possession of arms synonymous with possession of political power: "when the citizens at large administer the state for the common interest, the government is called by the generic name — a constitution . . . in a constitutional government the fighting-men have the supreme power, and those who possess arms are the citizens" (Book 3, ch VII).
Aristotle linked the development of democracy (rule by the people) with military innovations making foot soldiers relevant: "But when cities increased and the heavy armed (as opposed to the cavalry) grew in strength, more had a share in the government; and this is the reason why the states which we call constitutional governments have been hitherto called democracies" (all of the above quotations from Book 4, ch. XIII).
It was inevitable that control of arms would lead to control of the state: "since it is an impossible thing that those who are able to use or to resist force should be willing to remain always in subjection . . . those who carry arms can always determine the fate of the constitution" (Book 7, ch. IX).
Arms are essential to any good government: "Let us then enumerate the functions of a state, and we shall easily elicit what we want. . . . thirdly, there must be arms, for the members of a community have need of them, and in their own hands, too, in order to maintain authority both against disobedient subjects and against external assailants" (Book 7, ch. VIII). It was hardly surprising that dictators always disarmed their subjects: "As of oligarchy so of tyranny . . . Both mistrust the people, and therefore deprive them of their arms" (Book 5, ch X).
Sometimes the disarmament was not accomplished directly, but instead by encouraging people to neglect arms training. "The devices by which oligarchies deceive the people . . . relate to . . . (4) the use of arms; (5) gymnastic exercises. . . . Concerning (4) the possession of arms, and (5) gymnastic exercises, they legislate in a similar spirit [trying to keep the poor from participating]. For the poor are not obliged to have arms, but the rich are fined for not having them; and in like manner no penalty is inflicted on the poor for non-attendance at the gymnasium, and consequently, having nothing to fear, they do not attend, whereas the rich are liable to a fine, and therefore they take care to attend."
Theorizing the people who bear the burdens of government should be the ones
who run the government, Aristotle wrote that "The government should be
confined to those who carry arms." The early
In The Athenian Constitution, written about 350 BCE, Aristotle gives
a political history of the city-state of
In the sixth century BCE, a tyrant named Pisistratus took over
After his victory in the battle at Pallene he captured
Athens, and when he had disarmed the people he at last had his tyranny securely established, and was able to take Naxos(a Greek island) and set up Lygdamis as ruler there. He effected the disarmament of the people in the following manner. He ordered a parade in full armour in the Theseum (a temple), and began to make a speech to the people. He spoke for a short time, until the people called out that they could not hear him, whereupon he bade them come up to the entrance of the Acropolis, in order that his voice might be better heard. Then, while he continued to speak to them at great length, men whom he had appointed for the purpose collected the arms and locked them up in the chambers of the Theseum hard by, and came and made a signal to him that it was done. Pisistratus accordingly, when he had finished the rest of what he had to say, told the people also what had happened to their arms; adding that they were not to be surprised or alarmed, but go home and attend to their private affairs, while he would himself for the future manage all the business of the state. (Aristotle, The Athenian Constitution, ch. 15, translated by Sir Frederic G. Kenyon)
Incidentally, Pisistratus maintained a peaceful foreign policy, "probably because he dared not allow the Athenian citizenry to bear arms in a major war," according to the Encyclopedia Britannica. Pisistratus was succeeded by his son Hippias. Hippias's younger brother Hipparchus was assassinated. "At first the government could find no clue to the conspiracy; for the current story, that Hippias made all who were taking part in the procession leave their arms, and then detected those who were carrying secret daggers, cannot be true, since at that time they did not bear arms in the processions, this being a custom instituted at a later period by the democracy" (The Athenian Constitution, ch. 18). In other words, carrying arms during a parade was an activity of freemen in a democracy, not of the subjects of a tyrant.
Thereupon the Thirty decided to disarm the bulk of the population and to get rid of Theramenes; which they did in the following way. They introduced two laws into the Council, which they commanded it to pass; the first of them gave the Thirty absolute power to put to death any citizen who was not included in the list of the Three Thousand, while the second disqualified all persons from participation in the franchise who should have assisted in the demolition of the fort of Eetioneia, or have acted in any way against the Four Hundred who had organized the previous oligarchy (which had ruled in 411 BCE). Theramenes had done both, and accordingly, when these laws were ratified, he became excluded from the franchise and the Thirty had full power to put him to death. Theramenes having been thus removed, they disarmed all the people except the Three Thousand, and in every respect showed a great advance in cruelty and crime. They also sent ambassadors to Lacedaemonian (
) to blacken the character of Theramenes and to ask for help; and the Lacedaemonians, in answer to their appeal, sent Callibius as military governor with about seven hundred troops, who came and occupied the Acropolis. (ch. 37) Sparta
According to the Encyclopedia Britannica, "Aristotle, more than any other thinker, determined the orientation and the content of Western intellectual history." The discussion of the right to arms in the next 24 centuries has followed the lines laid down by Plato and Aristotle; one side in favor of an unaccountable central government having all the arms and all the power; and the other side favoring rule by citizens who maintain their right to arms. Whatever the issue du jour of the contemporary gun control debate (e.g., gun registration in Canada; gun locks in the United States; handgun confiscation in the United Kingdom), friends of civil liberty should never forget the ultimate issue that drives the gun control movement: the determination to make armed citizens into disarmed subjects of a powerful, sometimes benign, collection of people who call themselves the government.
Copyright 2015 David Kopel 柯大為